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Luneta 8-26-2013 againsts Pork Barrel

  • is that democracy to you? LOL
    dati natatakot ka, ngayon natatawa ka. tinuring komedyante pa ang pangulo. bipolar ba tawag diyan?

    WHAT KIND OF LOGIC IS THAT?
    the FOI bill is in the list of priority bills. but compared to other priority bills, it is not ranked first. that's because aquino has set his administration to be transparent and as such, FOI would only be needed later as long as it passes during his term. the thinking here is it doesnt matter if the bill passes at the start or at the end of his term kasi transparent ang admin nya. also, the effect of the bill would include all the past information from previous adminstrations kaya it doesn't matter if it passes this year or next year as long as it passes during his term.

    also, hindi mo naman ata binoto si Aquino for his promise of prioritizing the FOI bill, bakit galit na galit ka? hindi mo nga binoto at all.

    in the first place, hindi transparent ang administrasyon ngayon. kung di pa binulgar ni jinggoy ang DAP, lahat tayo walang alam na nilalaro ang kaban ng bayan at ang perang involved ay mas malaki pa sa PDAF scam ni Napoles..
    i disagree with this. hindi binulgar ni jinggoy ang DAP, nilagyan niya ng malisya. the negative effect of underspending by the government was the issue when the Aquino admin was corralling corruption in the government agencies like the DPWH, etc. hindi nagtri-trickle down to the masses yung pagsigla ng ekonomiya. DAP was formulated para umabot sa tao ang epekto ng mgandang ekonomiya and was there even before the Corona trial. the part of it that was supposed to go to projects identified by the lawmakers and senators was postponed due to the corona trial. si jinggoy lang ang may mababaw na utak na inisip na suhol ito.

    paano masasabi ni jinggoy na suhol ang DAP eh wala namang (supposedly) pera na pupunta sa kanya? mag i-identify lang sila ng project. actually, pipili lang sila sa isang list of approved projects. alalahanin nyo na during this time (corona trial) ang nakakaalam pa lang na malaki ang porsiyento na napupunta sa nag identify ng project ay sila jinggoy at iba pang tumatanggap. lumalabas na talagang guilty itong si jinggoy.
  • f it ain’t hiding anything, Malacañang has nothing to fear about the freedom of information (FOI) bill, Sen. Grace Poe said on Friday.
    Poe said the controversies surrounding the administration’s economic stimulus program, and even the high court justices’ wealth could have been avoided had the FOI been in place before.
    Under an FOI regime, the Department of Budget and Management would have uploaded information about the Disbursement Acceleration Program (DAP) on its website, putting it under public scrutiny, Poe said.


    Read more: http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/633989/poe-allays-palace-fears-on-foi#ixzz3BqeIKwP8
    Follow us: @inquirerdotnet on Twitter | inquirerdotnet on Facebook


    hindi nilagyan ng malisya ni jinggoy yan.. kasi in the first place malisyoso na ang DAP kaya nga sinabing unconstitutional eh.. may mali eh.. wag mo ng i-sugar-coat..

    at anong sabi ni PNoy, hindi top priority ang FOI bill dahil wala syang urgency tulad ng sintax bill at rh bill? pero gusto magpa charter change para i-clip ang powers ng supreme court

    tsaka wala ba ako karapatan para punahin ang mga promises na hindi nya tinupad kahit di ko sya binoto? eh sya presidente ko eh kahit di ko sya binoto. ganun ka ba klaseng lider? natural fanatic ka sa kanya kaya okay lang siguro sa iyo na hindi mapasa ang FOI bill kasi di naman siniseryoso ng amo mo.. pero yan ba ang dapat marinig sa isang lider? eh importante yang FOI bill, hindi lang admin officials ang maapektuhan nito kundi lahat ng nakaupo sa gobyerno.. gumising ka uy.. wag maging panatiko sa maling pamamalakad
  • kasi in the first place malisyoso na ang DAP kaya nga sinabing unconstitutional eh.. may mali eh.. wag mo ng i-sugar-coat..
    basahin mo nga ng mabuti yang quote mo..

    Sen. Grace Poe said on Friday.
    Poe said the controversies surrounding the administration’s economic stimulus program, and even the high court justices’ wealth could have been avoided had the FOI been in place before.


    controversies na pinakakalat ni jinggoy, and others like you. maling-mali ang pagkaintindi mo sa SC ruling on DAP, basahin mo yung ruling, hwag umasa sa isa o dalawang news article at hindi nito lubos na ma-explain ang ruling.

    wala ba ako karapatan para punahin ang mga promises na hindi nya tinupad kahit di ko sya binoto?
    hindi sa wala kang karapatan, pero nagmumukha ka lang na sour-graping. lalo nakung yung pinili mong kandidato sa presidente ay wala sa agenda nya ang FOI.
    parang pagpili lang yan ng bilihin sa supermarket. pumipili ka ng sabon, isang brand may kamahalan at nakalagay long lasting scent, anti-bacterial, etc. di mo binili at pumili ka ng mura. napansin mong binili ng kapitbahay mo, tapos naamoy mong mabango nga at narinig mong sinabi ng kapitbahay na effective ang antibacterial property nya according sa news. pagdating ng gabi, di mo na naamoy sa kapitbahay mo, tapos nagconcentrate ka na sa hindi naman pala long lasting scent yung sabon.

    we need the FOI, of course. but let the leader do his job. huwag nating pangunahan at mag nitpick. hindi nakakatulong eh.

    ikaw ang mukhang panatiko, kung nasaan si aquino, nandun ka sa kabila.
  • demolition of the presidentiables 2016

    is on the way.!!!
  • Arroyo says gov’t failed to prove plunder, asks court to dismiss case

    <click here for link>
  • alangan nalang na sabihin ni gloria na na prove nila na nag plunder sya.
  • Whatever it is, DAP is still declared unconstitutional until SC reverses it's decision. Until then, he should abide and should stop such intimidating speeches (and or more moves) against the judiciary. Wait for a final decision on their MR.
  • para sa mga gusto ng parliamentary:

    With Due Respect
    Fortified legislature
    By Artemio V. Panganiban |Philippine Daily Inquirer
    12:53 am | Sunday, August 31st, 2014

    In most democracies, the legislature is the most powerful branch of government because it represents and expresses the sovereign will of the people. This is especially true in parliamentary systems. Here, the chief executives, called prime ministers, are elected by and owe absolute loyalty to parliament. Once parliament loses confidence in them for whatever reason, they are deposed. The tripartite separation of powers finds no application in parliamentary governments.

    Legislative supremacy. In many European countries, the judiciary is inferior to parliament. Judicial power is normally divided among many high courts. Their supreme courts review civil, criminal and commercial decisions of lower courts; their constitutional courts adjudicate constitutional issues; and their high administrative courts decide appeals from executive agencies (like their equivalents of our Bureau of Internal Revenue, Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas, Securities and Exchange Commission). Normally, these high courts cannot reverse actions of parliament, save for the constitutional courts in exceptional cases.

    In presidential systems, the legislature is also considered the repository of the sovereign will, but because the chief executive, called the president, is elected by direct vote of the people and is thus not totally beholden to the legislature, he (or she) is constitutionally-granted enormous powers that easily eclipse the lawmakers’.

    Since legislative power is exercised by hundreds of elected representatives (and senators) who must first collegially deliberate and agree before they can act, the president becomes the most powerful official. Assisted by a Cabinet and other officials, the president can act alone and fast. Hence, he/she easily outmaneuvers and overpowers the legislators.

    Power of the purse. Presidential dominance characterized our 1936 Charter. But as I discussed on Aug. 17 in this space, the 1987 Constitution weakened the presidency. To curtail executive abuses and excesses, it fortified Congress and empowered the Supreme Court.

    Legislative power is simply the power to make laws and to modify or repeal them. The most important law is the General Appropriations Act (GAA) or budget which is enacted yearly. To fortify congressional control over the public purse, the 1987 Constitution expressly provides, “No public money shall be paid out of the treasury, except in pursuance of an appropriation made by law.”

    And after such appropriation is “made by law” via the GAA, not even Congress is authorized by the Charter to pass another law “authorizing any transfer of appropriations.” There is one very limited exception; the president (or Senate president, or House speaker, or chief justice or the heads of the constitutional commissions) “may, by law (passed by Congress), be authorized to augment any item in the (GAA) for their respective offices from savings in other items of their respective appropriations.”

    This exception, called the power of augmentation and referred to by President Aquino as Disbursement Acceleration Program or DAP, had been discussed extensively in my three columns last July 6, 20 and 27, and I will not belabor them now.

    Suffice it to say that our new Charter had tightly barricaded the congressional power over the purse and limited presidential intervention, as shown by the DAP decision of the Supreme Court.

    Other legislative fortifications. In my Aug. 17 column, I already discussed the stringent legislative limitations on the martial law powers of the president, making it impossible for any chief executive to become a dictator under the new Constitution, unlike under the old one which Ferdinand Marcos used as basis for his oxymoron “constitutional authoritarianism.”

    Aside from this, our new Charter granted Congress extensive powers to check the presidency, some of which are:

    1. It made it easier for Congress to remove presidents (and other impeachable officials) from their office. The 1936 Charter required two-thirds vote of all representatives to impeach, and three-fourths vote of all senators to convict, but under the new one, only one-third of all representatives and only two-thirds of all senators, respectively, are needed. This old Charter provided four grounds for impeachment: culpable violation of the Constitution, treason, bribery and other high crimes. Our new Charter added two more: graft and corruption, and betrayal of public trust.

    2. Under the 1936 Charter, department heads may be prevented from attending congressional probes, “when the public interest shall require… and the President shall so state in writing.” However, under our new one, “when the security of the State or the public interest so requires and the President so states in writing, (their) appearance shall be conducted in executive session,” but cannot be banned.

    3. Under the old Charter, lawmakers were exempted only from civil arrests, but under our new one, the privilege was extended to criminal arrests for offenses punishable by not more than six years imprisonment “while Congress is in session.”

    4. Under both Constitutions, Congress may, by law, confer emergency powers on the president to carry out a declared national policy, but under our new one, such powers “shall cease upon the next adjournment” of Congress.

    5. Under the old Charter, treaties may be entered into by the president provided two-thirds of all the senators concur. Under our new one, even “international agreements” need two-thirds vote of the Senate.
  • Whatever it is, DAP is still declared unconstitutional until SC reverses it's decision. Until then, he should abide and should stop such intimidating speeches (and or more moves) against the judiciary. Wait for a final decision on their MR.


    kaya nga puspusan ang mga tongressman na mapalegal nila ang DAP, para sa susunod ng presidente,

    hindi makukulong ang mga dawit sa DAP

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